Fidel Castro: Hero or Cold-Blooded Murderer?
Fidel Castro is dead, and the
mainstream media in the US and elsewhere are beside themselves with grief over
their fallen hero. If you are not sickened by the disease of Castrophilia, it
is obvious that there is nothing good to say about this mass murderer,
except that he was lucky enough to live into his 90s.
I've been to Cuba several times.
Everything worth looking at was built either under the Spanish or Batista
(including highways, bridges, and big universities). The complete lack of
reliable statistics makes it impossible to offer any exact numbers on the state
of the Cuban economy. I've traveled to over 80 countries and can compare Cuba
only to Malawi or Lesotho in standard of living by visual approximation.
Guatemala with its $3,800 per capita GDP looks like a superpower in comparison
with the prison island. In the same manner, the proper central planning system
of the economy makes it impossible (even in theory) to analyze its production
in monetary value.
Wages in Cuba increased to a
whopping 687 CUP (Cuban peso)/month (US $26.5) in 2015 from 584
CUP/month (US $22.03) in 2014 according to official Cuban stats.
Castrophiliacs at the World Bank
came with absurd numbers claiming that Cuban GDP per capita is $6,156.62 and
the Cuba GDP per capita by purchasing power parity is $19,950.28.
Castrophiliacs at the CIA estimate Cuban GDP — per capita (PPP) at an
equally implausible $10,200.
Boston Consulting Group surveyed the purchasing power of Cuban households and found that about half the Cuban population lives with a median household income of $300 to $400 a year while another half of Cuban consumers — in urban areas — had a household income of $1,000 to $2,000 a year.
Not much to buy.
Since late 2000, Venezuela has provided petroleum products
to Cuba supplying nearly 100,000 barrels per day. Cuba has been paying for the
oil with the services of their forced laborers including some 30,000
medical-trained slaves.
Pre-Castro Cuba of Afro-Cuban leader Fulgencio Batista was
no paradise, but there were economic opportunities. People owned themselves.
People could get actual jobs, producing
and selling goods and services people wanted to buy: rum and sugar, cigars,
tourist vacations. The system was as corrupt as Chicago, but corruption is a
source of opportunity for those willing to take it. The Castro system
monopolized wealth and power in the hands of a tiny minority consisting of
Fidel and his flunkies. Sure, he gave them free education — or rather Marxist
indoctrination — and free healthcare on par with America in the 1950s. Of
course, in a country where many people earn only $2 per day, the major health
problems are starvation and malnutrition.2
Pre-Castro Cuba maintained a stable developing economy well incorporated in the international markets, second in per capita income in Latin America. At that time, the Cuban peso and the US dollar shared the same values. National and international financial institutions cooperated in incrementing its lending operations to Cuban businesses and foreign investors willing to invest their capital in the island.
The
economic system established in Cuba by the murderous Castro brothers is nothing
but a regime of public slavery where a Lockean self-ownership was replaced by
the government ownership of the populace. In 1959, a meltdown was felt when
Fidel Castro began a massive program of nationalization. The Soviet Stalinist
model of government and central planning was introduced and caused an
enslavement of the populace and radical change in the country's economy.
Cuban masses are not only
physically separated from the elites, but there is complete socio-economic
apartheid between the slaves and their masters with separate monetary systems,
retail facilities, and health care and educational systems. Copied
from the USSR in the beginning of the 1960s, Castro implemented a system
in which some comrades became more equal than the others and separated
themselves from the gray masses with checkpoints and fences, and different
currencies and rationing cards.
The masses are being paid in the
Cuban Peso (CUP), whereas their owners — the government elite — use the Cuban
Convertible Peso (CUC). The CUC is worth about 30 times the value of the CUP on
the black market, and Cuba’s “special stores.” Tourist areas, restaurants, and
other attractions for elites and foreigners do not accept Cuban pesos,
effectively keeping the workers out of the “workers’ paradise” so much adored
by Jesse Jackson, Michael Moore, Oliver Stone, Robert Redford, and the like.
Like at the height of apartheid in
South Africa the Cuban people are banned from the beaches, where the elites and
foreign tourists have the white sand all to themselves. There are actual walls
around these beaches. On the other side of the wall, the people have nothing.
During one visit to Cuba, my students
befriended a joyful Afro-Cuban teenager with a Russian name, Yevgeny, and
invited him to a beach at our hotel. He was arrested in our presence and all my
attempts to release him from custody failed. I tried to explain at the
police precinct that Yevgeny is our friend. The police thug asked me
what his last name was, which, unfortunately, I did not know. They
escorted me out and threatened to deport me.
Yuri N.
Maltsev, Senior Fellow of the Mises Institute and professor of
economics at Carthage College, worked as an economist on Mikhail Gorbachev’s economic reform team before defecting to
the United States in 1989. He has testified before the US Congress and appeared
on CNN, PBS News Hour, C-Span, CBC, and other American, Canadian, Spanish,
South African, and Finnish television and radio programs. He has authored and
co-authored fifteen books and numerous articles. He is a recipient of the
Luminary Award of the Free Market Foundation. Contact: email.
